FYROM's Dictator Nikola Gruevski and the Control of Journalism
The
dictatorship of FYROM’s Prime Minister, Nikola Gruevski, was from its inception
in 2006 based on a disproportional media propaganda, based on the system of
government subsidizes to private media houses (something that has not been proclaimed illegal
in FYROM).
The domination of VMRO-DPMNE on classical media, like TV and printed
press which are still – even with widespread Internet coverage – most important
forms of getting news, secured the victory of the far-right VMRO-DPMNE and
subsequent near-monopoly on all forms of government. Since as a result of
series of recent negotiations mediated by Western diplomats resident in FYROM,
Gruevski agreed to early parliamentary elections for April 2016, he, as his communistic
predecessors prior to 1991, is almost permanently present in media, usually on
the events of opening of some government-sponsored infrastructure project.
This is so
even in the case of most minuscule spending on small improvements. With this
Gruevski builds an image of “achiever”, who, surrounded with news government-sponsored
infrastructure, reminds everybody that “SDSM (Social-Democrats, in opposition)
didn’t achieved anything when they held the power. A news, which is today
(Tuesday) in focus of all media is that the Pro-Gruevski corporation (MPM) which
controls all newspapers in FYROM (except one) decided to impose 10-30% cut on
journalist's salaries. This is likely an attempt to keep them loyal during the
ongoing campaign for the April 2016 election.
MPM, in which Turkish and German
interests became predominant over the year, controls the main printed media in
FYROM. It may seem surprising that this media holding would reduce journalistic
salaries from 10-30% (from their otherwise low baseline of roughly 400-500 euros),
but the second glance upon this measure reveals that most likely the flexible reduction
is left to editor’s discretion as a punitive measure against journalist that
would dare to criticize, even in the most mild manner, the rule of a Prime
Minister which was called for the long time “the eternal and immortal shepherd
of his people” (sic!) by the public TV, MRT.
This media domination
and creation of 'personality cult' secures the likelihood that even with the formal “fair play” during the April
2016 elections, the image of Gruevski as a “patriotic reformer” (“patriotism”
being made equal with “Anti-Hellenism” since his ascent in 2006) shall be so much paraded everywhere that
his victory seems secured in absence of any visible alternative to the public
in FYROM.
taxalia
